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          Google地圖侵犯隱私　英國民眾禁止拍照 更新日期:2009/04/04 06:35 全 酒店經紀球最大網路搜尋引擎G 宜蘭民宿 oogle製作Google地圖，供民眾查看地球每一個角落，雖然十分便利，可能侵犯 票貼個人隱私。英國一個社區民眾最近發現，Google 為了製作地圖，派攝影車到社區拍照，居民把 術後面膜工作車趕走。 這起抗爭發生在英格蘭（布勞頓），一名男子（保羅）說，他從二樓窗戶，看見Goog 景觀設計le 車輛沒有獲得許可駛入村子，開始拍照，覺得非常生氣，於是叫來鄰居，阻止拍照。 Google聲稱，他們的地圖沒有侵犯?個人信貸籊p，會模糊人臉跟汽車牌照的號碼。 取自＞http://tw.news.yahoo.com/article/url/d/a/090404/1/1h91u.html(此原出處網址已 面膜無效) .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 售屋網  .

          Taiwan Democracy's Last Piece of Puzzle Taiwan Democracy's Last Piece of Puzzle HoonTing Taiwanese people have fought for human rights and civil rights under Kuomintang's (KMT, the Nationalist Party exiled from China in 1949) long rule of martial law since the end of WWII. KMT put many dissents into prison; and some others even paid their lives without legal trials. KMT's brutal reign discriminated between the ruler and the ruled. That discrimination formed a significant feature in Taiwan politics. However, the dissents have successfully forced KMT government to lift the martial law and to promise free elections g 新成屋radually in 1990s, when Chiang Ching-kuo died and Lee Teng-hui (LTH) took Chiang's office. As an experiment, KMT's Chair LTH held three elections for Taiwan Provincial Governor, Mayor for Taipei City as well as Kaohsiung City in 1994. KMT won two yet lost one in Taipei. To KMT, the outcome was acceptable. Taipei Mayor Huang Ta-chou, a native Taiwanese, lost. He handed over the power to the winner Chen Sui-bien (CSB) who represented the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), a party mainly composed of native Taiwanese. The elect 花蓮民宿ion test, of course, led to the Presidential election in 1996. For the first time, the people on Taiwan had the right to vote for their president directly. KMT's Chair LTH, a native Taiwanese, won. These bright results convinced KMT's elders and the political siblings (權貴) that they could still preserve the power through the elections. It paved the way for the optimistic KMT toward the second Presidential election of 2000. Under the threats from Beijing, including amphibious landing maneuvers and guided missiles tests offshore Keelung and Kaohsiung in 濾桶 1996 as well as 2000, LTH neither called off nor put off any election as the late president Chiang Ching-kuo did in 1979, the year the US recognized PRC as the legitimate government of China. The democracy survived. However, KMT lost the election of 2000. Both KMT and DPP had to adapt the new circumstances. KMT's elders and the political siblings blasted LTH's "betrayal." A weeks-long protest been held in no time. One leader Ma Ying-jeou, Taipei City Mayor and a political sibling, even rushed to LTH's Presidential Residence at mid-night and without any appointment to question Le 長灘島e. Still, LTH transferred the power to CSB. People remarked this as "the Silent Revolution," but they were too naive to aware of the vulnerability of democracy. People did not sense the behavior of the Vice President Lien Chan on May 20, 2000. Lien was one of candidate of the Presidential election and a political sibling. He did not show up for CSB's inauguration ceremony; and it was his ceremony to leave the office as well. Lien chose to travel abroad instead, and claim it was a trip planed months before. No one has ever discussed the question: Was it a flaw inauguration under the Constitution? 室內裝潢 Besides the legal doubt, Lien's absence implied an even more significant questions referring to "the Silent Revolution": How did the political siblings see the elections? What a native non-KMT Taiwanese President meant to them? In historical view, democratization is not only dealing with the issues such as "of the people" and "by the people"; it has to solve the maladjustment of high rank bureaucrats and the vested interest (既得利益者), especially the political siblings. It is a very sensitive yet practical issue. The political siblings have not only monopolized the ruling expertise; but have been in charge of the government 訂做禮服 for decades. Now they lost the powers and the privileges along the process of democratization. Their long monopoly became assets, which could help the political siblings earning the foreign supports much easier than DPP's unfamiliar officials do. DPP's weak governance would not proceed if DPP did not win their cooperation; and that was what exactly happened during 2000 to 2008. On the other hand, the resentful Vice President Lien did try once to extend the olive branch. Yet the young DPP President CSB did not take it. On the other hand, the political siblings have learned much from the elections of 1994 and 1996. They also knew how to guide or 租辦公室 to remold public opinions through mass media. The results were they acquired important positions as Taipei Mayor (1998 Ma and 2006 Hau), Taichung Mayor (2001 Hu), the Administrators of Taipei County (2005 Chou) and Taoyuan County (2007 Chu then 2009 Wu) etc. through elections. Unlike Taiwanese elites, they have won, have lost, and have handed over the power to other parties and ethnics for times; the political siblings' politicos have not yet transferred the power outside the circle once they acquired a position. It was the native Taiwanese LTH, who transferred the power to another native Taiwanese CSB in 2000; and it was native Taiwanese CSB, who passed the power to Ma Ying 澎湖民宿-jeou, a political sibling in 2008. The political siblings, until now, either renewed the term or passed the power to another "friend" through election. They have not yet proved themselves to lose the power and privilege to non-KMT party and to different ethnic group in calm. KMT supported two large weeks’ street protests right after the Presidential elections of 2000 and 2004 that strengthened our concern. Do they really believe in democracy? Did the pre-trial detention of former president CSB for almost two years and a series prosecution against CSB's ministers divulge their true heart after they are in charge? Now they pledged not to lose the power again... KMT won two landslide victories i 房屋二胎n 2008, including 75% seats of the Legislative Yuan, and the Presidential office in 2008. Now they hold the power and the resources as they were before 1990s. Will they accept the possible lose in future's election peacefully, especially the election 2012? Will they transfer the power to the winners no matter whom and what he/she is? Is there going to have any "accident" to obstruct the power transfer of 2012? No precedent could give us a clue. Taiwan democracy's last piece of puzzle will not be in place until 2012; and the result of 2009 election might be a debut. Only time will tell. .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 酒店打工  .

          2010盛夏東北亞風雲----1 st1\00003a*{} .

          中國的觀點 st1\:*{} table.MsoNormalTable {font-size:10.0pt;font-family:"Times New Roman";}【Comment】 The China Review News has its view point though illogical. However, it stresses MYJ should have to accept the help from China . CRN said all the mess is from his reject the help from Beijing . Now we are almost sure that MYJ has called for help from Beijing , maybe including PLA, first. There are more stories inside than we can imagine. Meanwhile TI advocates should not feel excite 房地產 d. Whatever it turns, it is not your turn. 這篇文章當然有其立場，但最有意思的弦外之音：馬政府不敢放手接受大陸的善意，把原本可以進來的大批支援擋在大門外，對身陷苦痛的災民，真是情何以堪！ 換言之，原本馬政府可能是想要向PLA求救的，還有我們不解的幕後～。兩隻暴龍打架，台灣派小老鼠先別爽太早。 社評：美軍抵台救災　政治效益狂飆　■中評網（2009.08.17） 中評社台北8月17日電（評論員　林淑玲）屬?開幕活動颽禤x陸戰隊現役機種的美軍CH53E直升機預計今天抵台救災，在此之前，美軍所屬C-130運輸機昨天下午已先行飛抵台南空軍基地運送一批物資。台灣媒體大幅報導這是1979年“台美斷交”30年以來，美軍再度以人道援助名義踏上台灣土地；美援大舉入台顯然已超越救災層次，政治效益快速狂飆。其間，台灣從美軍馳援創造某些聯想，馬政府期待轉移救災不力壓力，美國也以此進一步取得與台軍方合作。各方背後無不暗藏著權謀盤算。 世界各國面臨重大天災時，均可看到“救災外交?新成屋邑X勢而起，哪個國家捐多少金錢、物資？有沒有派人員前來？表態速度如何？一一都是指標。10年前台灣921大地震時，多個國家派遣搜救隊抵台支援，儘管在部分台灣專家眼底，由於國際搜救隊抵達時已經過了黃金救援時間，加上語言不通，不了解台灣環境，幫助有限。不過基於對方總是善意，台灣方面幾乎來者不拒，連帶的也以救災與不少國家產生連結。 這也是何以台灣“外交部”日前發電報訓令外館婉謝國際救援，會掀起濤天巨浪的原因。因為，國際援助重點不在能進來多少物資、善款，而是“外交效 有巢氏房屋應”，尤其台灣平時在國際社會要交朋友很辛苦，白白放棄“救災外交”大好機會的台“外交部”才會被狂轟是“白目”。為了平息眾怒，府院高層只好趕快補破網，列出求援清單，向國際社會發出SOS，引進美國馳援。 只不過，在美援抵台之後，繼之而起的美中台“救災平台”眼看著又更複雜了。大陸在88水災後即一再向台灣表達善意，除了海協會協調企業捐約1.1億人民幣，大陸企業、民眾也踴躍捐輸。台灣目前急著需要重型直升機，之前美、日都說太遠飛不過來，中台辦隨即表明，大陸願意提供任何型式直升機給台灣救災 景觀設計。大陸目前雖只有一架重型直升機，但台灣須要多少架，大陸可以代租，只要台灣提出要求。 大陸的態度很明確，就是只要台灣有需要，都願意幫忙，希望讓災區民眾趕快脫離痛苦。但馬政府的回應顯然是遲疑的。早在8月13日台灣向國際社會發出求援清單之後，大陸即表示可以全力協助，馬政府前後只接受組合屋、消毒機、毛毯、睡袋。非但如此，台“陸委會”還向媒體強調，是確認外國提供數量不夠，才向大陸提出需要。“總統府”發言人也解釋 “人道援助，不涉政治”。台“國防部”被媒體問到是否向大陸請求援助重型直升機時也支吾其詞。 票貼  台灣面對如此大的災難，本應是救災第一，災民利益為先，為什麼會弄到一邊救災，還要一邊操弄政治。至少有下列幾點原因： 一、 馬政府因救災不力，已經被罵到臭頭，深怕又因大陸救災人員、機具、直升機抵台，讓民進黨找到炒作藉口。再加上有之前台“外交部”發電報給外館婉拒國外救援在先，部分綠營媒體已將之扭曲為“不要國際救災，只要大陸馳援”。導致馬政府對大陸救援更加如履薄冰。 二、 美國抵台救災可以讓馬政府創造一種微妙的想像空間，正中獨派下懷，足以化解綠營批判壓力。長期以來，台獨人士一直努力要營造一旦大陸攻 澎湖民宿打台灣，美國會派軍隊馳援台灣的氣氛。在扁政府任內，甚至有所謂，台灣只要自己能撐多少時間，美國軍隊就會抵台協助擊退共軍之類的說法。 馬政府引進美國救災，做為國際救援主力，可以餵飽獨派的想像。尤其美軍因直升機無法長途飛行，把兩棲船塢艦直接開到台灣海域附近，讓直升機升空直飛台南，更是讓獨派樂翻了。馬英九這招，除了救災，也是用來堵綠營的嘴巴，希望自己趕快從“政治土石流”裡脫困。 三、 美軍以抵台協助救災之名，讓台美軍事交流達到“台美斷交”30年以來的最高峰。美國政府15日透過美國在台協會(AIT)正式通知台灣“外交部”，美國“同意派遣由美方 代償人士操控的直升機，前往台灣支援救災”。直升機雖是救災之用，實際上也等於是台美軍事聯合作業，搭配台灣軍方的救災直升機一起作業。美國軍機在台南空軍基地頻繁起降，其意義更是不言可喻。 美國政府對於派直升機抵台救災的態度，剛開始並不明確，僅稱直升機無法從關島基地飛過來，根據媒體報導，如今卻強調“一定是從離台灣不遠的美軍駐守地或航空母艦送到台灣，抵台速度會非常、非常快。”之間的轉變耐人尋味。美方除了馬政府積極求援，必有其亞太戰略關係的考量，才要急著“搶頭香”。 AIT 16日下午向台灣媒體證實，美軍所屬C-130運輸機已降落台南空軍基地，運送一百二十捲供搭帳棚使用的 部落格特殊材質塑膠布 (plastic sheets)。由美軍兩棲船塢艦運送到台灣外海的直升機今天也會飛抵台南空軍基地。隨後，亞太戰略關係、台灣內部藍綠角力，很明顯已經成為這次救災中，比搶救災損更受國際矚目的議題。然而，回到救災的本質，這樣的發展對災民並無幫助，馬政府不敢放手接受大陸的善意，把原本可以進來的大批支援擋在大門外，對身陷苦痛的災民，真是情何以堪！ http://www.chinareviewnews.com/doc/1010/4/9/3/101049321_2.html?coluid=7&kindid=0&docid=101049321&mdate=0817001037 .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 部落格  .

          與美國談CECA table.MsoNormalTable {font-size:10.0pt;font-family:"Times New Roman";}華盛頓郵報（WASHINGTON POST）說ＣＥＣＡ「可能是兩岸邁向統一的重要一步」，台灣輿論的反彈也相當強烈，總統府因而表示，協定名稱、方式及內容未來都將廣 辦公室出租徵社會意見，尋求社會共識，「名稱是可以討論的」。無論換上怎樣的名稱，涉及主權議題，都與台灣的「領土地位」密切相關。為此，我們首先該問：台灣與中 結婚國到底是「國內」，還是「國際」關係？ 前美國國務卿鮑威爾曾定義：無論是台灣或所稱的ＲＯＣ，都不是「國家」。聯合國秘書長潘基文二○○七年曾誤解第二七五八號決議為「台灣屬?租屋韝什瞗v；結果不只美國，連日本都正式去函要求更正。這些事實說明了：台灣雖非國家、卻也不屬中國，答案只能是「地位未定的自治領土」。 目前對台灣地位的主張中符合此一前提的，至少有「美屬說」 情趣用品：台灣是「美國憲法」下的海外非整併領土；與「佔領說」：台灣是以美國為主的戰勝國或聯合國的自治 託管領土。台灣當局（或所稱的ＲＯＣ）只是「受託管理者」而非「擁有者」—不但沒資格以「國內當局」與中國私相授受，更無 網路行銷法以「兩國政府」與中國談論合併事宜。台灣當局，就是不得片面改變現狀。 由於國際法下，領土移轉的唯一形式是「條約」。台灣的地位在「美屬說」或「佔領說」的主張中，皆須由「有權的」美國或聯合國設立的特別委員會，與台灣當局（或中國等） 房地產洽商辦法、簽署條約，再經由台灣人民公投同意等國際法、國內法的複雜程序後，才能確定下來。 這並不是特例，即使堅稱香港為固有領土，中國也要先透過修憲設立「特別行政區」（一九八二）、與英國簽署國際條約〈中英聯合聲明〉（一九八四），最終通過 〈基本法〉（一九九○ 租辦公室a>）完成整套法制準備後才能安心收納。對有權國家而言，必須通過「從國際法到國內法」雙重法體系的機制轉換，才能完成領土的讓受過程，並非總統一人可恣意揮灑。 ＣＥＣＡ的確將讓台灣與中國更緊密的整合在一起。而這是源自國際社會長久混淆「台灣地位」與「中國代表權」兩議題，從而無視台灣人也 G2000應享有最基本的「領事權利」所致。相關國家必須謹慎對應台灣因缺乏「領事權利」，被迫與中國「生米煮熟飯」的局面。 table.MsoNormalTable {font-size:10.0pt;font-family:"Times New Roman";} http://www.libertytimes.com.tw/2009/new/feb/25/today-o4.htm 相關閱讀： 台灣與中國洽談劃時代的自由貿易協定 情趣用品　■華盛頓郵報（2009.02.20）雲程譯 〈菲律賓獨立法案〉（TYDINGS-MCDUFFIE ACT）　■雲程譯 08-5078官司法庭辯論（完成稿）　■雲程譯 UN開議前論台灣地位UN下的特別自治區 不是國家而有外交權的單位可能是什麼 .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 居酒屋  .